9 October 2016 East Asia Forum Author: James Laurenceson, ACRIAccording to some in Australia’s strategic […]
CNSSGlobal Debate Forum
Many thought China’s rise would fundamentally remake the global order. Yet, much like other developing […]
与“多妻制”在文化想象意义上的借尸还魂相比，更可怕、更具有腐蚀力的，是“多妻制”凭借权力和资本重新复活。事实上，资本结构 本身就是父权制的；它一定是垄断的、暴戾的、贪婪的、实用性的、权威性的。垄断性资本作为一个大的父权结构，在全球建立的过程一定是个不断排除的过程，包 括女性在内的所有弱势群体，注定处在一个不断被放逐和排斥的位置。
文章来源: 纽约时报 于 2015-11-08 20:41:52 澳大利亚著名中国问题专家白杰明(Geremie R. Barme)11月8日接受美国《纽约时报》专访，主要谈及对中国国家主席习近平的理解，他表示，习近平就像是中国的CEO，习近平时代是对中国的一种恩赐。以下是专访的编译。 问：对于一个长期观察中国的学者，习近平时代对你来说有什么特别之处？ 答：作为一名有过在澳大利亚、中国和日本的大学经历的历史学家来说，习近平时代是一种恩赐（something of a gift），中国治理的艺术包括类似王朝一样的治理方式，马列主义和毛泽东思想，并融合了后毛泽东时代的社会主义改革。 我喜欢把习近平称作中国的CEO，或者所有事物的主席。对那些认为中国想成为像我们一样的国家，或者中国如过去的欧美国家模式，习近平时代就是一种挑战。对那些喜欢读毛泽东、并认真对待马克思主义传统的中国学生来说，习近平时代的中国混乱不堪。 问：有些人将习近平称为中国的“皇帝”，习近平和“皇帝”有什么类似之处吗？ […]
September 30, 2015
10:30 AM – 12:30 PM EDT
1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20036
In recent years, China has emerged as the second largest economy and a trading powerhouse. Its recent attempts to exert greater leadership in international economic governance through the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, participation in the BRICs bank, the launch of the “One Belt, One Road” development strategy, and its leading role in a budding trade grouping in East Asia, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, have gathered a lot of attention. What does this flurry of activity tell us about China’s aims and intentions? Is China a revisionist power intent on building an alternative economic order, or is it behaving as a responsible stakeholder, willing to shoulder the burden of providing public goods commensurate to its growing economic stature? What are the implications of China’s new role and initiatives for other leading economies?
On September 30, the Center for East Asia Policy Studies at Brookings and NHK will co-host a panel of distinguished experts for a discussion on the future of China’s economy, its growing role in international economic governance, and how the United States and Japan should respond to China’s leadership bid.
After the program, the speakers will take audience questions.
New agreements on collaboration in such areas as agriculture, grain production, civil aviation, high-speed railways, law enforcement, and military-to-military relations will further deepen interdependence. Xi’s visit has increased mutual confidence, reduced mutual suspicion, with achievements that made it a milestone in bilateral relations.
High-profile arrests like those carried out in China in recent years are insufficient to curb corruption in a lasting manner. Reducing pervasive government intervention in the economy and encouraging greater competition would reduce the near-monopolistic rents that create the incentives for corruption in the first place.
The Chinese president’s visit is the starting point for both sides to promote mutual trust, concrete cooperation and communication, which will brighten prospects for the bilateral relationship. The informal style of talks both leaders favor produce results that should ease lingering suspicions by hardliners in both countries.
China and the United States have a deep stake in each other’s success, just as the world has a deep stake in a strong and resilient China-US relationship. The Xi-Obama summits have been far more than “power strolls” for the cameras, and we are all better off because of them.
It may be too early to tell, but one would not risk ridicule by claiming that the just-concluded U.S.-China summit has accomplished its most important, albeit intangible, objective: temporarily arresting the downward spiral in the ties between Washington and Beijing.